Immortale Dei

Preface

This Latin text is taken exactly from the Acta Sanctæ Sedis, volume 18, published in Rome in the year of the Lord 1885. The text has not been changed in any way, with the following exceptions: “ae” has been changed to “æ”, “oe” has been changed to “œ”, and consonantal “i” has been changed to “j”. Quotation marks were also changed to the modern style. Even unusual spellings—such as “caussa” for “causa”—were retained.

The English Scripture quotations are from the “Douay-Rheims”.

The English text is a new translation.

Both texts are in the public domain.

Immortale Dei

The immortal work of the merciful God, which is the Church, although through herself and her nature she looks toward gaining the salvation of souls and the happiness of heaven, nevertheless brings forth so much usefulness beyond that in a certain type of mortal things, that she could not do more or better than as if she were instituted first and foremost for defending the prosperity of this life, which happens on earth. In fact, wherever the Church has placed her footprint, she has immediately changed the face of things, and the popular customs, formerly ignorant of virtue, thus soak up a new sophistication, and however many peoples accepted this with gentleness excelled with justice of things and glory of deeds. — But there is an old and ancient censure, that the Church is said to be at variance with the sensibilities of the republic, and that she cannot give anything either suitable or decorative which a well-constituted state seeks after in its own law and from its own will. In the early days of the Church, Christians were shaken by a similar wickedness of opinion, and because of this reason we became accustomed to be called, in hatred and dislike, enemies of the Empire; by which time the blame for the evils by which the republic was being upset was generally pleased to be cast on the Christian name, when in fact God, the avenger of wickedness, was weighing just punishments for criminals. The fury of this calumny, not without cause, armed the spirit and sharpened the pen of Augustine, who, especially in City of God, located the strength of Christian wisdom, which necessarily has a part with the republic, in such a light that he spoke the cause not only for the Christians of his own time, but seems to have made a perpetual triumph over the false accusations. — However, the deadly desire of similar complaints and accusations did not cease, and it certainly pleased very many to look elsewhere for the civil teaching of living; other than, that is, from the doctrines which the Catholic Church approves. No indeed, finally, in this time a new law, as they call it, which they claim to be just a certain growth born from advancing liberty, began to be strong and to dominate everywhere. — But many men have tried as many things as they wished; it is certain that there is no more excellent rationale of founding and controlling the state than what blossoms forth freely from the Gospel teaching. — Therefore, it is of the greatest moment and clearly pertaining to Our apostolic office that we compare the new opinions on the republic with Christian doctrine; by which means We trust that, the truth coming forth, the causes of errors and doubt will be burst, that anyone may more easily be able to see those greatest precepts of living, which he must follow and to which he must attend.

It is not a great task to set up what the type and form of the state should be, by the Christian philosophy governing the republic. It is incorporated by nature into man that he should live in civil society; for it is necessary for the habitation and preparation of life, and again he cannot gain perfection of nature and mind when he is alone; the Divinity has provided that he is born into the joining and gathering of men, since it is domestic, and then also civil, society which alone can supply a complete sufficiency of life. Because, in truth, any society cannot persist unless someone stands at its head, moving each one by an effective and similar influence to a common intention, it comes about that authority is necessary for the civil community of men, by which it might be ruled; which, no different from society also, arises by nature, and therefore by God Himself, its author. — From which it follows that public power does not exist through itself, but from God. For God alone is the truest and greatest lord of things, to Whom all things whatsoever must submit and serve; thus, for anyone to have the right to rule, they may not receive it from any place except from that highest prince of all things, God. There is no power but from God. [Rom. 13:1.] — But the right of rule is not in itself unavoidably joined with any form of the republic: it can be taken up rightly in one way or another, in a way useful and truly effective for the common good. But in whatsoever form, the princes of the republic must always consider the highest governor of the world, God, and put Him forth for themselves as an example and law in the administration of the state. For God, as in things which are seen, gives rise to secondary causes, in which the divine nature and action can be perceived by a certain reason, and which lead to the end to which this universe of things tends; so in civil society He wishes that there be leadership, and that they who bear it bring back a certain image of the divine power and divine providence into the human race. Therefore, rule must be just; not tyrannical, but as if paternal, because the most just power of God is in men and is joined with paternal goodness; it must truly be wielded for the good of the citizens, because those who preside over others preside because of this one cause: that they defend the good of the state. Nor, by any pact, may the civil authority be committed to serve the advantage of one or of the few, because it was constituted for the common good of all. But if those who are in charge should fall into unjust rule, if they sin from recklessness or pride, if they take counsel for the evil of the people, they know that they must finally render their reason to God, and it will be more severe the holier their office or the higher level of dignity they obtain. The mighty shall be mightily tormented. [Wis 6:7.] — Thus, certainly, a willing and honest reverence of citizens accompanies the majesty of rule. And indeed, when once they enter into the mindset that those who rule exert power by the authority given by God, they feel the duty to be just and owed, and hearing what is said by those same princes they excel in compliance and faith with the same likeness of piety which pertains to children toward parents. Let every soul be subject to higher powers. [Rom 13:1.] — Of course, to scorn legitimate power, in whatever person it exists, is no more allowed than to resist the divine Will; if some people resist it, they rush to their willing ruin. He that resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God. And they that resist, purchase to themselves damnation. [Ibid. 5:2.] Wherefore, to cast aside obedience and, through the strength of the multitude, to call the republic to sedition, is a crime of majesty; not only of human majesty, but also of divine majesty.

It is clear that the state constituted by this principle must always, in its many and greatest duties (which join it to God), act sufficiently with public religion. — Nature and reason, which command everyone to worship God in a holy and religious way, because we are in His power and because we must be turned back to Him by Him, binds the civil community by the same law. For men joined together in common society are in the power of God no less than individually, nor does society owe less thanks to God than the individual, by which Author it joins together, by Whose command it is preserved, by Whose kindness it receives a countless abundance of the good things with which it abounds. Wherefore, just as it is permitted to no one to disregard his own duties towards God, and the greatest duty is to embrace in both mind and customs religion (not that which he might prefer, but that which God commands, and that which is evidently, with certain and the least doubtful judgments, the one true religion among all), in the same way states cannot, short of wickedness, bear themselves as if God is altogether absent, or cast aside concern for religion as alien and nothing useful, or adopt indifferently which of the many types it pleases; and they absolutely must use in worshipping Him that custom and manner by which God Himself has shown that He wishes to be worshipped. — Therefore, the Name of God must be holy before princes; and it must be added, to their particular duties, to embrace religion with grace, to defend it with good will, to protect it by the authority and command of the laws, nor to establish or decide anything which might be contrary to its safety. They also owe this to the citizens over whom they preside. For we, all men, are born and adopted for the final and highest of goods, located outside the fragility and brevity of this life, in heaven, to which all counsels must be referred. But because on this in every respect the full and complete happiness of men hangs, therefore it concerns the end of every individual to pursue Him, Who has been remembered, that he may not fall among the many. Therefore, it is necessary that a civil society born for the common utility, in upholding the prosperity of the republic, must so look after citizens, that it not only brings in nothing in any way inconvenient for obtaining and gaining the highest and unchangeable good, which they seek by their own free will, but that it brings every opportunity that it can. It belongs especially to them, whose duties join men to God, that works be given to the protection of religion in a holy and inviolate way.

But what religion is true is not difficult to see for him who consults prudent and sincere judgment; for it is proven by many and brilliant arguments, by the truth beyond doubt of prophecies, by the frequency of miracles, by the quickest propagation of the Faith through the midst of enemies and the greatest obstacles, by the testimony of the martyrs, and by many other similar things, that only that one is true, which Jesus Christ both Himself founded, and entrusted to His Church to be defended and increased.

For the Only-Begotten Son of God founded a society on earth, which is called the Church, to which He gave the high and divine office, continuing through all the ages of the ages, which He Himself received from the Father. As the Father hath sent me, I also send you. [John 20:21.] — Behold, I am with you all days, even to the consummation of the world. [Matt 28:20.] Therefore, just as Jesus Christ came to earth that men may have life, and may have it more abundantly, [John 10:10.] in the same way the Church has the goal, as an end, the eternal salvation of souls; and for the same reason her nature is such that she extends herself to the embrace of the whole human race, with no limits of either time or place around the command, preach the Gospel to every creature. [Mark 16:15.] So to the great multitude of men, God Himself assigned magistrates who preside with power; and He wishes that the one prince of all, the highest and most certain magistrate of truth, be the one to whom He committed the keys of the kingdom of heaven. I will give to thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven [Matt 16:19.] — Feed my lambs… feed my sheep [John 21:16–17.]; I have prayed for thee, that thy faith fail not. [Luke 22:32.] This society, although it is made up from men just like the civil community, is nevertheless supernatural and spiritual, established for the sake of her own end, as are her instruments by which she reaches for her end; and therefore she is distinguished and differs from civil society; and, what is most important, she is a complete society in type and law, since she possesses in herself and through herself every support necessary for her own safety and action by the will and kindness of her Founder. Just as the end to which the Church tends is far the most noble, so also her power is the most noble of all, nor can it be held lower than the civil rule, or be in any way liable to the same. In fact, Jesus Christ gave to His Apostles the free commands for sacred things, joined to the ability of making laws truly so called, and then the twin power of judging and punishing which follow from it. “All power is given to me in heaven and in earth. Going therefore, teach ye all nations… Teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you.” [Matt 28:18–20.] And elsewhere: “And if he will not hear them: tell the Church”. [Matt 18:17.] And again: “And having in readiness to revenge every disobedience.” [II Cor 10:6.] Again: “I may not deal more severely, according to the power which the Lord hath given me unto edification, and not unto destruction.” [Ibid. 13:10.] Therefore, men's leader to heavenly things must be not the state but the Church; and this is the office given by God to the same, that concerning those things which touch on religion, she may see and decide; that she may teach all nations; that the ends of the Christian name, as long as they can be, may be advanced widely; in short, that she may administer the Christian mission freely and unencumbered, with her own judgment. — Truly, the Church has never ceased to assert for herself and likewise to exercise publicly this absolute authority over herself, plainly and of her own law, which is already long opposed by philosophy flattering to princes: first of all by the fighting Apostles, who when they were prohibited from disseminating the Gospel by the princes of the synagogue, constantly answered, We ought to obey God, rather than men. [Acts 5:29.] The Fathers of the Holy Church were eager for the opportunity to uphold the same by the movements of reason: and the Roman Pontiffs, with an unconquered steadiness of mind, never failed to vindicate it against opponents. Morever, princes themselves and the governors of republics have approved the same in both opinion and deed, by completing business, by sending and in turn receiving envoys, and by the changing of other duties to work with the Church just as if she was invested with the supreme legitimate power. — Nor, surely, must it be thought that this was done without the special counsel of the Provident God, that this power itself is fortified with a civil rulership, just as if it was the best guardian of her own liberty.

Therefore God has divided the care of the human race between two powers; of course, the ecclesiastical and the civil, one indeed established for divine things, and the other for human things. Each is supreme for its own type; each has certain ends, by which it is contained, and which are defined by their own nature and proximate cause; whence a thing is contained as by a sphere, in which the actions of each is moved by its own proper law. But because the rule of each is toward the same objects, since it can happen in practice that one and the same thing, though it is often otherwise, but nevertheless the same thing touches upon the law and judgment of both, the most provident God, by Whom both are established, must have composed the paths of both rightly and in order. And those that are, are ordained of God. [Rom 13:1.] Because if it were not thus, the causes of deadly struggle and strife would often be born, nor seldom would men be worried and anxious of mind when they do an act, as if a man must cling onto a forked road, contrary to the two commanding powers, deciding which rule he cannot reject while keeping his duty. However, it is supremely repugnant to think that about the wisdom and goodness of God, Who even in physical things, although they are of a far lower order, nevertheless united natural power and causes to one another with controlled reason and a certain marvelous harmony, so that none of them might hinder the others, and all may likewise be there for the world to see, united most fittingly and appropriately. — And thus, a certain well-ordered connection must pass between each power, which indeed is not unjustly compared to the union through which the soul and the body are connected in man. But it should be of such a type and amount that it cannot otherwise be judged, except by looking back, as We have said, to the nature of both, and having the justification of the excellence and nobility of the causes; since to the one is given to care closely and carefully for the advantages of mortal things, to the other is given to prepare heavenly and eternal goods. — Whatever, therefore, is sacred in any way in human things, whatever pertains to the salvation of souls or the worship of God, either because of its nature itself, or because it is understood on account of its cause to be referred to such, all such are in the power and judgment of the Church: for the rest, in truth, which the civil and political type embraces, is rightly subject to the civil authority, since Jesus Christ commanded that what is Caesar's be given to Caesar, and what is God's, to God. — But at some times it happens that, when the manner of some other agreement for peaceful liberty prevails, without doubt, those who are princes of republics and the Roman Pontiff may agree about some specific matter for the same gain. In such times, the Church presents special proofs of maternal piety, since she is accustomed to summon so much ease and indulgence as greatly as she can.

The Christian regulation of the civil society of men is of this sort, which We have briefly touched upon, not rashly nor with a feigned passion, but led from the greatest and truest principles, which themselves are confirmed by natural reason.

But such a form of the republic has nothing which should either be seen as less worthy than the greatness of princes, or lacking in splendor; and it is utterly absent that the laws of majesty should diminish; rather, it makes them more stable and majestic. No indeed, if it is considered more deeply, this form has a great perfection in which other modes of the republic are lacking, and the fruits which will follow from it are certainly many and excellent, if only each part holds its own place and honestly executes it, whatever duty and office is proposed to it. — In fact, in that constitution of the republic which We spoke of before, there are indeed divine and human shares in a suitable order; the rights of citizens are unharmed, and the same of the divine, of natural, and of human things are defended by the protection of the laws; the description of each office, when wisely established, then have a protection fittingly ordained. Every man in this doubtful and laborious course to that eternal city knows that he has at ready leaders whom he may safely follow in entering and helpers for reaching it; and they equally understand that some are given to them either to establish or to preserve security, luck, or other advantages, on which this common life is based. — Domestic society gains an equal stability from the holiness of the one and indivisible wedlock; the rights and duties between spouses are ruled by a surrounding justice and equity; a due glory is preserved for woman; the authority of the man is conformed to the example of the authority of God; fatherly power is worthily tempered for the dignity of wife and children; finally, the protection, advantages, and instruction of children is best assured. In this political and civil type of republic, the laws look to the common good; they are directed not to the will and fallacious judgment of the multitude, but to truth and justice; the human authority of princes puts on a certain higher sanctity, and is kept lest it decline away from justice, and not leap over its limit in ruling; the obedience of the citizens has honesty and dignity as a companion, for it is not the service of a man to a man, but obedience to the will of God, exercising royal power through men. Being acquainted with and persuaded by this, it is understood that these things entirely relate to justice: to revere the majesty of princes, to be firmly and faithfully subject to public power, to do nothing seditiously, to preserve the holy teaching of the state. Similarly, a mutual charity, kindness, and liberality is placed among duties; the same citizen and Christian is not pulled apart into contrary parts, precepts fighting among themselves. Finally, everyone seeks for the community and civil society the greatest goods by which the Christian religion fulfills, out of her own will, the mortal life of men: thus, it appears to be most truly said: “the state of the republic hangs from religion, by which God is worshipped: and much knowledge and intimacy falls between one and the other.” [Sacr. Imp. ad Cyrillum Alexand. et Episcopus metrop. — Cfr. Labbeum Collect. Conc. T. III.] Augustine marvelously followed up on the strength of these good things, as he was accustomed to do, especially when he brings up the Catholic Church in these words: “You train and teach children childishly, young men with strength, old men with quiet, exactly as the age of their bodies, so also their soul. You place women in chaste and faithful obedience to their husbands, not for satisfying their wantonness, but for the propagation of children and for the society of the family. You put men in charge of their wives, not for mocking the weaker sex, but for the laws of a sincere love. You submit children to their parents in a certain free servitude, you place parents over children in an upright mastery… You join together citizens to citizens, nations to nations, and, in short, men by the memory of their first parents, not only in society, but even in a certain brotherhood. You teach kings to provide for the peoples, you warn peoples to submit themselves to kings. You carefully teach to whom honor, to whom affection, to whom reverence, to whom fear, to whom comfort, to whom advice, to whom encouragement, to whom teaching, to whom reproach, to whom punishment is owed; showing how everything is not owed to all, and charity is owed to all, and injury is owed to none.” [De moribus Eccl. cath., cap. XXX, n. 63.] And in another place, blaming political philosophers badly understanding these things: “Let they who say that the teaching of Christ is contrary to the republic give such an army as the teaching of Christ commands soldiers to be; give such princes, such husbands, such wives, such parents, such children, such lords, such servants, such kings, such judges, and finally such payers and collectors of debt itself as Christian doctrine commanded them to be, and let them dare to say that this is contrary to the republic; no indeed, let them not doubt to confess that this great thing, if it is obeyed, is the salvation of the republic.” [Epist. CXXXVIII (al. 5.) ad Marcellinum, cap. II, n. 15.]

There was a time when the philosophy of the Gospel governed states; in that time, the strength of Christian wisdom and the divine virtue penetrated the laws, the customs, the morals of peoples, in all the orders and reasons of the republic; since the religion established by Jesus Christ was established in it, firmly located in a position of dignity, in which it was right; by the grace of princes and the legitimate guardianship of its offices, she flourished everywhere; then the priesthood and the civil rule were happily joined together in harmony and friendly change of duties. The state composed in the same way bore fruit greater than every opinion; the memory of these things is strong, and has been strong due to countless monuments of great deeds, which can be darkened or corrupted by no art of our enemies. — Because Christian Europe subdued the barbarian tribes, and led them from wildness to gentleness, from superstition to truth; because she, the victor, repulsed the attacks of the Mohammedans; because she retained the primacy of civil worship, and she accustomed herself to be the leader and teacher of every glory of humanity for others; because she bestowed to the peoples genuine and versatile freedom; because she established, most wisely, many things for the comfort of the wretched; without controversy she owes great thanks to the religion which she had, the patroness of taking up such things, the helper for completing them. — Surely these same good things would have remained, if the harmony of both powers had remained; and greater things could be looked for by right, if she was obedient to the authority, magisterium, and counsel of the Church with a greater faith and steadfastness. For that must be the image of the perpetual law, as Ivo of Chartres wrote to Pascal II, the supreme Pontiff: “When the kingdom and the priesthood come together among themselves, the world is well-ruled, the Church blooms and bears fruit. When, indeed, they quarrel among themselves, not only do the small things not grow, but even the great things miserably slip away.” [Ep. CCXXXVIII.]

But that destructive and deplorable eagerness for new things which was stirred up in the fourteenth century, when first it mixed up the Christian religion, soon by a certain natural journey reached to philosophy, and then reached from philosophy to all the orders of the civil community. From this, just as from a font, come the repeated and more recent heads of unbridled liberty, without a doubt invented in the greatest disturbances of the last century and placed in our midst, and likewise the principles and foundations of a new law, which was both heretofore unknown and not only differs from Christian law, but even from more than one part from the natural law. — It is the greatest of these principles that all men are understood to be alike in their kind and nature, and so of course are equal among themselves in the action of life; any one of whom is therefore of his own right, that he be liable in no way to the authority of another; that he may be able to freely think about a matter however he wills and to do what he pleases; the right of ruling others is in no one. In a society informed by these teachings, there is no leadership except the will of the people, who, as it is uniquely in its own power, so also rules itself alone; but it chooses to whom it entrusts itself, in such manner, however, that not so much the right of ruling, but the office transfers into them, and it must be exercised in its own name. The divine mastery lies down in silence; in another way, either there is no God, or He cares nothing for the society of the human race, or men either individually or in society owe nothing to God, or any leadership can be considered of which the very cause, strength, and whole authority does not reside in God. In this way, as is seen, the republic is nothing but the mistress and governess of a multitude; and when the people itself speaks to secure the font of all rights and all power in itself, it will follow that the state thinks itself obligated for no reason of duty to God, that it should publicly favor no religion; nor must it seek the one out of many which alone is true, nor to set that one before the many, nor to favor one the most; but to grant equality in right to every type for its end, as long as the discipline of the republic does not take anything of harm from them. It will be agreeable to entrust to the judgment of each every question of religion; each will take for himself either to follow that which he prefers, or none whatsoever if he approves of none. From here, these things have certainly already been born: judgment is bound by no law of any conscience of anyone whatsoever; unrestrained opinions about worshipping or not worshipping God; then the infinite license in thinking, then of publishing those thoughts.

But it easily appears that the Church is driven into an evil position by the things above put forth for the foundations of the republic, which are greatly approved by this time. — For when the course of things agrees with doctrines of this type, a place in the state equal with those societies alien to her, or even a lower place, is assigned to the Catholic name; no justification in the ecclesiastical laws can be had. The Church, which by the command and mandate of Jesus Christ must teach all nations, is commanded to touch nothing of the public establishment of the people. — Concerning those things which are of mixed right, they establish governors, through themselves, for the civil part by their own choice, and in the same matter they proudly look down upon the most holy laws of the Church. Why they drag into their own jurisdiction the marriages of Christians, judging even concerning the marital bond and the unity and stability of wedlock; they move the possessions of clerics, because they deny that the Church may possess its own things. Most seriously, although the Church is in the type of a perfect society, her rights having been stripped away, they place her equal to other communities which the republic contains; because of this reason, if she has something of right, if she has a legitimate faculty for acting, she is said to possess it by the concession and kindness of the princes of the state. — If the Church truly has her own right in this republic, with the civil laws themselves approving, and an agreement has been made publicly between each power, they cry in the beginning that the reasons of the Church must be dissociated from the reasons of the republic; and for this reason, that it may act against the introduced faith with impunity, and have the judgment of all things with all obstacles removed. — The Church truly cannot bear it patiently, for she cannot desert her holiest and highest duties, and she asks that the obliged faith be entirely, wholly, and religiously loosed; often fights are born between the sacred and civil power, of which the end is usually that the one which is less strong in human powers succumbs to the other which is greater.

Thus, in this state of the republic which is loved now by so many, the Church is either driven utterly out of the midst, or is held bound and restricted by the ruler. What is done publicly is done in great part for this reason. The laws, the administration of states, the free establishment of new religions, the plundering and ruin of religious orders, the destruction of the civil leadership of the Roman pontiffs, all things look here: to cut into the nerves of Christian institutions, and to lead the liberty of the Catholic Church to a narrow place, and to reduce her other rights.

Natural reason itself convicts these statements about ruling the state as being greatly at variance from the truth. — For nature itself testifies that whatever anywhere is of power proceeds from God as from the greatest and most august source. But popular rule, which with no consideration for God is said to dwell in the multitude by nature, so clearly tends to the provision of charms and the flames of many desires, that it rests upon no probable justification, nor can it have enough strength for the public safety and the restful steadiness of order. In fact, things have bowed so far to it by these teachings, that the law is sanctioned by many in civil prudence that seditions can be enflamed by right. For opinion is strong that the princes of the many are for nothing, but for those things selected which follow the popular will; from which what is necessary happens, that everything is equally changeable with the popular will, and a certain fear of the crowds always threatens.

But to think about religion that nothing lies between unlike and contrary forms clearly has this end: to not want to test anything in judgment, to not want [to test anything] in use. But that is from atheism; if it differs in name, it differs nothing in truth. For to those who are persuaded that God exists, unless they wish to stand absurdly with themselves, they understand necessarily that the usual justifications in the divine worship (of which there is so much difference, and dissimilarity and conflict in even the greatest things) cannot be equally commendable, equally good, equally accepted by God.

So also that faculty of feeling whatever things, and of expressing those things in the forms of letters, setting aside all moderation, is not a good in its own proper power in which human society can rightly rejoice, but it is the source and origin of many evils. — Liberty, which is a virtue completing man, must be in itself turned to something true, something good; but the reason of the good and the true cannot be changed for the will of man, but remains always the same, nor is it less unchangeable than the nature of things itself. If the mind assents to false opinions, if an evil will takes up and applies itself to it, neither obtains its own perfection, but both are cut off from natural dignity and will fall down into corruption. Therefore, whatever things are contrary to virtue and truth, it is not just to put in the light and eyes of men, much less defend by the grace or guardianship of the laws. Only a life, well-spent, is the road into heaven, to which we all strive; on account of the same thing, the state wanders from the rule and precept of nature if it perversely allows license, opinion, and such deeds to run riot, so that it may with impunity fetch minds away from the truth, lead souls away from virtue. — It is truly a great and pernicious error to exclude the Church, which God Himself has established, from the action of life, from the laws, from the instruction of the youth, and from domestic society. There cannot be a civilized state taken away from religion: and already that philosophy about life and customs that is called civil is known, perhaps more than is right: what type it is in itself, and in what direction it reaches. The Church of Christ is the true teacher of virtue and guardian of customs; it is she who protects unharmed the principles from which duties are led, and having proposed the most efficacious causes for living honestly, commands not only to flee perverse deeds, but to rule the motions of the soul which are contrary to reason, even when they are not executed. — In truth, to wish that the Church be subjected to the civil power in the function of her own offices is indeed a great injustice, a great rashness. Order is disturbed by this action, because natural things are placed before those which are above nature: it takes away, or certainly greatly reduces, the crowd of goods with which, if it were hindered by no thing, the Church would complete the common life: and furthermore, the way to enmity and struggles is fortified, and events have shown all too often how much ruin can be brought to each republic.

Our predecessors, the Roman pontiffs, since they properly understood what the apostolic office asked from them, by no means permitted doctrines of this type, which are not accepted by human reason and have much in the civil teaching of the moment, to pass with impunity. As Gregory XVI, in the encyclical letter beginning with Mirari Vos, on 15 August 1832, with great seriousness of statements struck down those things which they were already preaching, that no one can invite a selection in divine worship; that to everyone is the right to judge about religion, which he prefers; that only his own conscience is a judge; furthermore, to consume what each person feels, and likewise to labor to fetch new things in the state. The Pope said thus about the things pulling apart the sacred thing and the civil thing: “Nor are We able to forebode happier things for both religion and the state from the wills of those who wish that the Church be separated from the kingdom, and to break apart the mutual harmony of the empire with the priesthood. It makes senses, of course, that that harmony, which always stands forth as favorable to civil and sacred things, is very much feared by the lovers of a most shameless liberty.” In a not dissimilar way, Pius IX, as opportunity gave itself, noted many things about these false opinions which had begun to be greatly strengthened, and afterwards he commanded those same opinions to be gathered in one place, that in such a jumble of errors Catholic men might know what they might follow without offense. [It suffices to note a few of them. Prop 19: The Church is not a true and perfect society, clearly free, nor does she exercise her own proper and consistent rights for herself, brought togther by her divine Founder; but it is for the civil power to define what the rights of the Church may be, and the limits in which she may exercise those same rights. Prop. 39: The position of the republic, inasmuch as it is the origin and fount of all rights, exercises by that same right with no limits imposed. Prop. 55: The Church must be separated from the state, and the state from the Church. Prop. 79: …it is false that the state, and freedom of whose worship, and likewise that the full power given to all of manifesting any opinions and thoughts whatever openly and publicly, leads more easily to corrupting the customs and minds of the people, and to indifference, that increasing plague.]

From these writings of the Pontiffs, it must be entirely understood that the rise of the public power is from God Himself, it must not be claimed by the multitude; that permitting seditions fights with reason; that it is sinful for private men, it is sinful for states, to count the duties of religion as of no place, or to be in one way in treating different types; that immoderate power of thinking and of openly throwing out thoughts must not be placed among civil rights, nor among things worthy of grace and protection. — Similarly, it must be understood that the Church is a society, no less than the state itself, perfect in its type and right; nor must that which has the highest of rule attempt to round up the Church to serve or be subject to themselves, or permit her to be less free for doing her own things, or take away anything of her other rights, which were brought together in her by Jesus Christ. — But in matters of mixed right, it is most suitable according to nature and likewise according to the counsels of God, not the separation of the one power from the other, and much less tension, but clearly harmony, and agreeing with the nearest causes, which causes give birth to each society.

These things, indeed, are things which are perceived by the Catholic Church regarding the establishing and control of states. — However, if one wishes to judge rightly in those things which have been said and decreed, none of the various forms of the republic are blamed in themselves, as they have nothing which is opposed to Catholic teaching, and they may uphold the state in its best condition if they are employed wisely and justly. — No indeed, it is not blameworthy in itself that the people are a participant, more or less, in the republic; because it may, at certain times and for certain laws, pertain not only to the usefulness, but also to the duty of citizens. — In addition, no just cause has been born for which anyone may denounce the Church, either for being more equally restricted in her gentleness and good nature, or an enemy to a liberty that is genuine and lawful. — In fact, if the Church judges that the diverse kinds of divine worship are not of the same right as the true religion, she does not then condemn those governors of republics who, either for gaining some other great good, or because of prohibiting evil, bear patiently with customs or use in order to have each of these have a place in the state. — And the Church is also accustomed to greatly beware it, that no one be unwillingly gathered to embracing the Catholic faith, for Augustine wisely warned that man cannot believe except willingly. [Tract. XXVI in Joan., n. 2.]

For a similar reason, the Church cannot approve that liberty which gives birth to a loathing of the most holy laws of God and takes off the obedience owed to legitimate power. For this is more truly license than liberty, and called more rightly the liberty of destruction [Ep. CV ad donatistas c. II, n. 9.] by Augustine, and the cloak for malice [I Pet. 2:16.] by the Apostle Peter; no indeed, when it is contrary to reason, it is true slavery, for whosoever committeth sin, is the servant of sin [John 8:34.] Against that is genuine and aspired-for liberty, which if it is observed by the private citizen, does not permit man to serve those foul masters, errors and desires; if publicly, it stands wisely before the citizens, lavishly supplying the means of increasing reward: and it defends the republic from foreign will. — Nevertheless, the Church approves this honest liberty, worthy of man, most greatly of all, and never ceases to demand it and bring it forth, steady and whole, among the peoples. — In fact, those things can be greatly for the common salvation in the state: those which were established profitably against the license of princes considering evil for the people; those which forbid the highest republic from entering inconveniently into the municipal or domestic sphere: the monuments of earlier ages testify that the Catholic Church has always been either the inventor, the predicter, or the guardian of all those things which prevail for dignity, for the person of man, for conserving the fairness of the law in every citizen. Therefore, agreeing constantly with herself, if from one part she has spat upon an immoderate liberty which falls for both private men and for peoples into license or slavery, from the other, willing and cheerful, she embraces the better things which the days may bring, if they truly sustain the prosperity of this life, which is like a certain study for the other, which will remain forever. — Therefore, what they say (that the Church envies the state for more recent teaching, and that she rejects indiscriminately whatever the nature of these times has produced) is an empty and barren calumny. Indeed, she rejects madness of opinions; she disapproves the wicked eagerness for seditions and that habit of minds for naming in which the beginnings of the departing of the willing from God are seen; but because everything which is true must proceed from God, whatever in research touches the truth, the Church recognizes as the very footprint of the divine mind. And although there is nothing of the true in the nature of things which takes away the faith of the divinity which has been handed down, there are many things which do take away from it, and every invention of the true can drive either knowing or praising to God Himself; on that account the Church will always approach with cheerfulness and rejoicing anything which approaches for advancing the ends of the sciences: and she will favor and cherish those same things eagerly, as she is accustomed, and as she does other disciplines which have been placed in the explanation of nature. The Church is not against these studies if the mind has discovered something of the new; she does not reject that they may search for many things for the honor and convenience of life: no indeed, she is the enemy of ignorance and idleness, she greatly wishes that they may bear fertile fruits by cultivation and exercise instilled in men; she presents incentives to every type of arts and works; and directing with her strength every eagerness in these things to honesty and salvation, she struggles to prevent that intelligence and industry turn man away from God and heavenly goods.

But these things, even if full of reason and counsel, are less approved in this time when states refuse not only to bring themselves back to the form of Christian wisdom, but even seem daily to wish to depart farther from it. — Nevertheless, because the truth brought forth into light is accustomed to flow widely by its own will, and slowly to penetrate the minds of men, therefore We, conscious of our greatest and most holy duty, which is Apostolic, which we perform for all the nations, moved by mission, speak out those things which are true, freely, as we must: not because we have not examined the reason of the times, or because We think that We must repudiate the honest and useful growths of our age, but because We desire firmer foundations and safer journeys of republics away from offenses; and it is for a genuine unharmed liberty of peoples; for truth is the mother and best guardian of liberty among men: the truth shall make you free. [John 8:32.]

Therefore, in such a difficult course of things, if they hear Us (as they must), Catholic men will easily see what their duties are, as much in opinions as in deeds. — And indeed, in supposing, whatever the Roman pontiffs have passed on or will pass on, it is necessary to hold each one understood with stable judgment, and openly to profess them as often as things will have demanded. And namely: about these things which they call liberties, sought-after in the current time, he must stand with the judgment of the Apostolic See, and whatever the same thinks, he must think the same. He must beware, lest the worthy type of those things deceive him; and he must think about by what beginnings they have arisen, and by what eagerness they have everywhere been sustained and nourished. It has already been known enough by experience who are the originators of such things in the state; of course, they gave birth everywhere to these fruits, by right of which worthy and wise men sorrow. If there truly is somewhere, or is constructed in thought, a state which violently and tyrannically pursues the Christian name, when it is compared to the type of the republic about which We are speaking, the latter could seem more tolerable. However, as We said before, the principles on which it leans are certainly of the same type, so that they in themselves ought to be approved by no one.

But action may be turned either in private domestic things or in public ones. — As a private citizen indeed, the first duty is to conform life and customs most diligently to the Gospel's precepts, nor to reject it even if Christian virtue drives one to suffering and endurance with a little more difficulty. Furthermore, each one must thus love the Church as a common mother: and also to obediently keep her laws, to serve her in honor, and to wish her rights to be unharmed: and to try so that she may be loved and cherished with an equal piety by those others over whom they may be in some authority. — Also, it concerns public salvation to bring together wisely work for the administration of urban things: and in those things to be greatly eager and to make it be decided publicly for the youth to be formed in religion and approved customs for that reason, which is right for Christians: from which things the salvation of every state depends. It is generally useful and honest that the work of Catholic men run a long way beyond such a narrow field, and embrace the highest republic itself. We say generally, because these Our commands apply to all nations. For the rest it can happen elsewhere that for the greatest and most just causes it is by no means expedient to carry out the orders of the republic and to be turned in political offices. But generally, as We said, to wish no part in the republic is so to touch on vice, as to bring nothing of eagerness or of care to the common utility: it is this or more, because Catholic men, by the admonition of the teaching itself, which they profess, are driven to governing the thing wholly, and from the faith. Contrariwise, these themselves being idle, others will easily receive the reins, the opinions of whom do not at all reasonably bring great hope of salvation. And it is also joined together with the ruin of the Christian name, because they will be able to do more who are animated evilly against the Church; less, who are animated well. For which reason it is clear that it is just cause for Catholics to approach the republic; for they do not approach, nor should they approach, because of that cause that they might approve what is in this time not honest in the reasons of republics; but that they bring those reasons to the sincere and true public good, as long as they can, having determined in mind to lead into all the veins of the republic the wisdom and virtue of the Catholic religion like the healthiest of sap and blood. — It was done not at all otherwise in the first ages of the Church. For the customs and eagerness of the pagans were so greatly averse to the eagerness and customs of the Gospel; however, she discerned Christian and uncorrupted things in the midst of superstition, and always courageously took to herself those like things, by whomever the approach may have been given. The faithful were an example to princes, and obedient as far as was lawful to the rule of the laws, they poured a wonderful splendor of sanctity in every conceivable situation; they were eager to be useful to the brethren, to call others to the wisdom of Christ, yet to give place and be prepared to die bravely if they were unable to keep honors, magistracies, or rules with virtue unharmed. For this reason, they quickly carried Christian institutions not only into private homes, but into the fields, into the courts, into the palace itself. “We are of yesterday, and we have filled all your cities, islands, castles, towns, meeting-halls, the fields themselves, tribes, classes, the Palatine, the senate, the forum” [Tertull. Apol. n. 37.]; so did the Christian faith, when it was permitted to publicly profess the Gospel, appear not wailing in the cradles, but adult and already sufficiently strong in the great part of the cities.

It is already agreeable in these times that these great examples be renewed. — It is necessary that Catholics indeed, as many as are worthy of the name, first of all things be and wish to be seen as most loving sons of the Church; those things that they cannot stand alongside with this praise, they must reject without delay; they must use the institutions of peoples for the protection of justice and truth, as much as they honestly can; they must take pains lest the freedom of acting overleap the way established by the law of nature and God; they must give work so that every republic may be led to that Christian likeness and form which We have told. — The reason of gaining these things can not at all conveniently be established in one certain way, since it must be suitable for all places and times, which are very dissimilar among themselves. Nevertheless, in the first place the harmony of wills must be preserved and a likeness of acting must be sought. And each will be best obtained if every man thinks that the writings of the Apostolic See are the law of life, and they obey the bishops, whom the Holy Ghost has placed… to rule the church of God. [Acts 20:28.] — Indeed, the defense of the Catholic name necessarily asks that in professing the teachings which are handed down by the Church, the statements of all be one, and with the highest constancy, and from this part beware lest anyone close their eyes to false opinions in any way, or resist more calmly so the truth suffers. Concerning those things which are opinions, it will be permitted to dispute them with moderation and eagerness in tracking down the truth, but far from wrongful suspicions and mutual accusations. — Now to this point, let not the joining of minds be torn apart by a rashness of accusing, as everyone may understand; by no means may the integrity of Catholic profession be consistent with opinions approaching to naturalism and rationalism, the height of which is to utterly take away Christian institutions, and to establish in men the leadership in society, putting God aside. — Equally, it is not permitted to follow one form of duty privately and another publicly, nor also of course that the authority of the Church should be observed in private life, rejected in public. For this is to join the honest to the shameful, and to make man struggle with himself, when contrariwise he must always be consistent with himself, nor to fail in Christian virtue in any thing or in way of life. In truth, if the truth is sought in mere political reasons about the best form of the republic, about ordering citizens by one or another reason, certainly about these things there may be honest disagreement. Therefore, in other respects, for those whose piety and mind, prepared to obediently receive the decrees of the Apostolic See, is known, justice does not suffer the statement that disagreement concerning these things which We have said is turned to vice: and it is much the greater injury if they are led into accusation of violating or suspecting of the Catholic faith, which we will not suffer to be done even once. — And let them entirely hold this precept who are accustomed to entrust their thoughts to letters, and most greatly the authors of newspapers. In this, indeed, about the greatest things in contention no place must be left for internal arguments, or for eagerness of parties, but all must reach with minds and eagerness coming together for what is commonly proposed of all, to preserve religion and the republic. But if, therefore, there have been quarrels, they must be ground in a voluntary oblivion: but if rashly, if an injury is done, if some fault finally touches upon anyone, he must be compensated in mutual charity and redeemed by a certain special obedience of all things to the Apostolic see. — In this way, Catholics will follow two most splendid things: one, that they bestow themselves as helpers to the Church in keeping and spreading Christian wisdom; two, that they affect civil society with the greatest benefit, the safety of which is put to the test because of wicked teachings and desires.

Indeed, Venerable Brethren, we have had these things which we passed down to all the nations of the Catholic world about the Christian constitution of states and the duties of each citizen.

Moreover, by the greatest prayers we must implore heavenly protection, and God must be prayed that these things which we wished and tried for the glory of Him and the common salvation of the human race, He may lead to a welcome conclusion, of which is to enlighten the minds of men and to move their wills. But in the patron of divine benefits, and in witness of Our paternal benevolence, we lovingly impart the Apostolic Blessing in the Lord to you, Venerable Brethren, and to all the clergy and people committed to your faith and vigilance.

Given at Rome before St. Peter on the 1 day of November in the year 1885, the eighth year of Our pontificate.

Pope Leo XIII